The dead moles demonstrate palpably that, as Linebaugh notes, "Losing common rights led to the criminalization of the commoner." (27) As Clare looks back to his childhood, then, the moles hanging from the trees emerge as an uncanny spectacle that foreshadows the displacement and disposability of cottagers and propertyless
laborers coming later in Clare's life.
(41) They detail "the role of this class in the founding and how the presence of this class influenced the text of the Constitution and other founding documents." (42) This influence ranged from the "first grievance against the British government in the Declaration of Independence," (43) which referred to royal vetoes of colonial laws forbidding the importation of felons from England to "the (misnamed) Fugitive Slave Clause," which "applied to indentured servants and felons," (44) to the framers' willingness to rely on state constitutions, which "disenfranchised and discriminated against poor whites." (45) Sparrow and Beard explain that propertyless
persons were not simply individuals who shared a common trait, but over time became a class with a politically potent identity.
Such Christian doctrine anticipates the views of Karl Marx, who in the mid-19th century predicted that, hopefully, the propertyless
proletariat would "expropriate the expropriators."
Unique to Conner's account is Marat's deep identification with the propertyless
classes and his advocacy for economic as well as political equality in the wake of the Revolution.
For not only do I think we must justify this duty to respect the property rights of others, even if the individual in question is "propertyless
" himself, but I think we must do so in terms of his interests (in relation to the interests of all others, of course).
(2000) explains that "the creation of a black subclass" of slaves "enabled poor whites" not only to identify "on the basis of race with wealthy planters," but provided "propertyless
whites with a property in their whiteness" (p.
Whereas anarcho-communism sought a propertyless
society with distribution according to need, individualism advocated the right of possession through use and labour, together with a freely negotiated system of exchange and trade.
Back in 1931, Pope Pius XI denounced "the huge disparity between the few exceedingly rich and the unnumbered propertyless
." American poverty may be less extreme now than then, but a study by the Economic Policy Institute shows that in 2004 the poorest 20 percent of Americans had "negative wealth" (more debts than assets).
All disinterested aesthetic judges must be propertyless
in relation to any particular object of beauty.
To deal with the felt injuries of a social system through the experience of women and girls suggests that beneath the voices of class-consciousness may perhaps lie another language, that might be heard to express the feelings of those outside the gate, the propertyless
and the dispossessed.
In response to the lynching of 13 African Americans in Carrollton, Mississippi, published in the April 3, 1886, edition of the International Working People's Association (IWPA) weekly, The Alarm, Parsons recognized that the movement was "in the midst of organizations whose missions it is to depict the wrongs to which the propertyless
class are [sic] subjected." Taking an unprecedented stand on race and the wage-system, Parsons argued that the outrages the black man suffered were not because of the color of his skin.
Another way of putting it is to say that, historically, the rising bourgeoisie invariably faced a choice of how far to ally itself with the ordinary people, the large mass of the propertyless
or working class, and how far with the previously established propertied elites, embedded as these are in the great institutions of the state.