Perhaps the classic example of a libertarian
paternalist nudge is switching the default rule on participation in employer-sponsored savings plans--401Ks, etc.--from opt-in (where the employee must sign up for the plan) to opt-out (where the employee is automatically enrolled but may withdraw if she chooses).
The inclusion of the last Romanian leader among the 'signposts' of nostalgic memories was the result of two reasons: his leadership of almost 25 years represented for the majority of nostalgics a consistent part of their life and also a period when they enjoyed a limited economic prosperity under the care of the
paternalist state.
Our concern remains because the new
paternalist's nudges are designed to take advantage of the cognitive and motivational limitations of individuals: it is expected that many people will not exercise freedom of choice to go in a different direction.
A New
Paternalist movement seeks to bridge the gap between these
Conly mentions that "the hard
paternalist may impose actions the agent would not want even if aware of the facts." P.
Mark White spends little time reviewing specific policy proposals that libertarian
paternalists have advanced and instead challenges the moral foundations of the entire research program.
He first insists that there is a crucial distinction between "means
paternalists" (nudgers like himself) and "ends
paternalists" (let's call them meddlers).
the
paternalist thinks would make choosers' lives go well.
Deceptively open, then, the discourse surrounding the show cast the audience as enthralled by either nostalgia for
paternalist models of authority or the cultural shorthand of Twitter.
This erasure of the history of caring has ramifications, for example, in Betensky's reading of Sybil, which could have acknowledged that, for a Tory
paternalist like Disraeli, caring is political language: the novel is a political allegory and Sybil, who represents the working class, needs to accept (or marry, in the novel's allegorical scheme) her Tory
paternalist suitor because Disraeli believes that a regenerated Tory party (rather than an enfranchised working class) can best guard the interests of the people.
Pickwick emerges as a benevolent
paternalist, an embodiment of a "pre-industrial age, the world of stage-coaches" (Goetsch 156).
The wall of pedantry, buttressed by generations of
paternalist traditions, was too high and unassailable.