A comparison with the bases of the OBJECT nominals in Figure 13 shows roughly the same development until 1900: a constant rise of denominal and deverbal OBJECT types.
Data from the corpus of spontaneous -er-coinages in child language (Meibauer 1995a) A Nominals total 2;0-2;11 3;0-3;11 4;0-4;11 Total 35 94 90 B Base 2;0-2;11 3;0-3;11 4;0-4;11 Nominal base 17 16 9 Verbal base 14 50 46 C Morph.
To allow exact comparison, 28 -er-nominals with bases other than nominal or verbal were subtracted from Wellmann's corpus.
Another 80 nominals that could not be classified as belonging to one or only one of these concepts were not taken into account.
However, the rather small quantity of OBJECT nominals may not be representative for the German language in general, as newspapers seem to focus more on persons and incidents than on objects.
In addition, however, these nominals also acquire a durative Aktionsart, as shown in (20b) and (21b), which is certainly not implied by the resultative Aktionsart of besteigen.
Contrary to this, the -ung nominals Verkorkung and Besteigung can cooccur with a durative adverbial, as shown in (20b) and (21b), and they can be modified by a durative adjective, as in (20c) and (21c).
This analysis, however, cannot easily be transferred to -ung nominals such as Erblindung, Erlahmung, and Vertaubung, which are derived from the intransitive prefix verbs with an adjective stem.
This is a crucial criterion as to whether the -ung nominals denoting events have a durative Aktionsart and can thus be modified by durative adjective or adverbials.
Now we can compare the event structures of base verbs and their -ung nominals with each other as follows: they are both interval-based and their intervals consist of three stages, source state, change, and target state.