centrally plan the development of any particular high-tech region
Therefore, we were interested in determining whether samples of human resources from low-tech and high-tech regions would differ on the four dimensions of societal culture.
Alternatively, high-tech firms within the low-tech region might choose to hire technology-oriented resources from traditionally high-tech regions. If, as a result of this strategy, employees with a high-tech cultural affinity represent the largest proportion of the firm's work force, then the values, attitudes, and behaviors associated with a high-tech corporate culture are likely to prevail in the firm.
For new high-tech cities to succeed, they must tap into the stock of knowledge available in established high-tech regions
with a larger endowment of knowledge, such as Silicon Valley.
The criteria guiding the selection of the twenty indicators included: an extensive review of indicators published in the indexes for other high-tech regions, a comprehensive review of the indicators published through the years; for the Austin region, feedback from local economic development experts, and suggestions from other bureaus of business research.
Index data can be used to analyze economic changes in Austin and other high-tech regions.
Using the Austin Index (2) and the U.S., Census of Population to compare wage and wage inequality data between 1980 and 1990, (3) we can compare wage and wage inequality trends in Austin during this period with other high-tech regions. Second, we can study wage inequalities in Austin before 1990, the period of fastest high-tech employment growth.
We found that wage inequalities in the non-high-tech industries were 9 percent higher than in high-tech industries in Austin in 1990 (5) and even larger in the other selected high-tech regions: 14 percent in Route 128/ Boston, 22 percent in Research Triangle, and 26 percent in Silicon Valley.