Okin characterizes the problem as follows:
Political liberals accept a wide range of comprehensive doctrines as reasonable (including all the major religions) and permit families and other private associations to organize as they see fit as long as they do not violate the principles of political justice.
Even laying aside disagreements about judicial doctrine and case outcomes, many
political liberals are likely to balk at the philosophical foundations of originalism, while many conservatives will likely find those foundations to be compatible with their broader philosophical beliefs.
The author of this important volume writes with the awareness that
political liberals and natural law theorists seem highly unlikely bedfellows.
In this sense, the major players involved in the prewar debate over the validity of timeless truth were
political liberals in good standing.
At times, labor's hostility has put it in the camp of cultural conservatives fearful of immigration's impact on American nationality and culture while conservative politicians aligned with business interests have found themselves joined with
political liberals favoring less restrictive policies.
Rather, the book directs our attention to the staged emergence of a more permissive normative order connected to military prevention, whereby the aversion to the very idea of preventive war that was once felt across American public life ultimately became the preserve only of
political liberals, in largest part due to the norm's displacement by a rival norm encouraging the use of force to prevent outlaw states from acquiring nuclear weapons.
But his cast of evangelical characters includes not only
political liberals and moderates but also Protestants who don't try to convert others, who are theologically liberal, whose faith seems more communal than individualistic.
Faith-based human rights advocates are presented as struggling against "perceived blinders or hypocrisy of secular human rights groups" (121), academics who discount evangelical Christianity, and
political liberals.
For
political liberals the mechanism is the Constitution.
While
political liberals (52%) are more likely to read political blogs than their conservative (48%) or moderate (46%) counterparts, it is interesting to note there is almost no difference in the percentage of Republicans, Democrats, or Independents who log on to these online journals.
But sometimes the criticism of this axiom comes from even those who are identified as
political liberals, like Yale law school Professor, Stephen L.
They come not just from
political liberals but from the people who really understand the plight of the refugees.
