There sat the long-legged pauper, on his bed, in a very short shirt, and nothing more; he was dangling his legs contentedly back and forth, and wheezing the music of "Camptown
Races" out of a paper-overlaid comb which he was pressing against his mouth; by him lay a new jewsharp, a new top, and solid india-rubber ball, a handful of painted marbles, five pounds of "store" candy, and a well-gnawed slab of gingerbread as big and as thick as a volume of sheet-music.
camptowns; however, few research studies have been carried out on Taiwanese bar girls, who came to the United States as "military brides." This article, based on an oral history with Liz Lam, will explore the speculation of the Lam sisters' having worked as bar girls in Taiwan, which echo all of the case studies of Cho's war brides, Moon's Korean bar girls, and Wang's Taiwanese bar girls.
Although it was unknown whether the Taiwanese government organized the same camptowns as the Korean government, businessmen would have sought opportunities to set up bars for U.S.
This neocolonial form involves Korea's dependence on US finance to rebuild its economy, the proliferation of the US military presence as exemplified by camptowns, the infiltration of US images and ideas through the process Edward Said (1993) has coined "cultural imperialism" and, later, through immigrants traveling abroad, seeking more opportunities in light of instability engendered by economic reconstruction.
Beyond the Shadow of Camptown: Korean Military Brides in America.
Particularly from the 1950s through the 1980s, when traditional Confucian values dominated social relations, such women lived literally outside the confines of "normal" society, in camptowns originally set up to accommodate American troops and to demarcate "pure" Korean society from foreign "impurities." The camptown women were deemed dangerous because their intermingling of body and blood with foreigners threatened the near-sacred racial and cultural homogeneity that formed the core of Korean ethnonationalism; an Amerasian child was condemned to belong neither to Korea nor to America.
Once a woman went into the camptowns, it was nearly impossible for her to rejoin the larger Korean society.
Chapter two documents the innumerous atrocities of the Korean War and shows the conditions that led some women to become sex workers in camptowns
She offers an extensive discussion of the South Korean camptowns and the complex relationships between an impoverished Korea and a wealthy, powerful America.
And while many of them met their husbands while working on military bases as clerical staff or in other civilian jobs or while taking English classes taught by servicemen, all of the Korean wives live in the shadow of those camptowns. The military brides have often sponsored the subsequent chain immigration of other family members--parents, siblings, and the like--yet even their extended families shun them and treat them as the skeleton in the family's closet.
are supposed to receive regular health examinations, including an HIV test every three months, at designated clinics.
As a figure embodying degraded femininity, commodified sexuality, as well as the shame of a subjugated nation, so-called camptown
sex workers were abjected beings who seemed to exist outside the symbolic order of the nation, yet inevitably defined and problematized the order itself.