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An amount of money paid each hour to compensate an employee for the amount of time he/she spends working. Wages are paid for both skilled and unskilled labor. For example, one may pay an employee $8 per hour for working at a fast food restaurant or $45 per hour for highly trained work at a car factory. What distinguishes wages from salaries is the fact that wages are only paid for the hours worked; an employee is paid more if he works for more hours. Salaries, on the other hand, are the same whether one works five hours or 50. See also: Overtime, Minimum Wage.


the money payment made to a worker, usually on a weekly basis, for the use of his or her labour. A worker's basic wage will depend on the hourly WAGE RATE and the number of hours worked. The latter is usually related to the number of hours specified as constituting the ‘basic'working week, but in some cases workers may be given a GUARANTEED BASIC WAGE to protect them against loss of earnings due to short-time working, and in other cases workers may be able to add to their basic wage by OVERTIME earnings. In addition to PAYMENT BY TIME, workers may be paid in proportion to their output under a PAYMENT BY RESULTS scheme. See PAY, MEASURED DAY WORK.


the PAY made to an employee for the use of his or her LABOUR as a FACTOR OF PRODUCTION. Wages are usually paid on a weekly basis, and they depend on the hourly WAGE RATE and the number of hours that constitute the basic working week. In addition, employees can add to their basic wage by working OVERTIME.

As an alternative to workers being paid on the basis of hours worked (a ‘payment by time’ system), employees may be paid in proportion to their output (a ‘payment by results’ system).

In aggregate terms, wages are a source of income and are included as a part of NATIONAL INCOME. See SALARY, NATIONAL INCOME ACCOUNTS.

References in periodicals archive ?
To be sure, the unemployed protests of 1873-1880 were seldom unambiguous stands of unity expressing a solidarity of the waged and the wageless.
Nonetheless, the trajectory of labouring experience in the 1880s was towards a more inclusive sense of the collectivity of class experience, the common interests of skilled and unskilled, and, as a consequence, the importance of addressing not only the struggles of the waged, but also the plight of the wageless.
he asked, the question itself an acknowledgement of how proletarians necessarily shared the fruits, bitter and sweet, of always confronting the possibility of being waged and being wageless.
Nonetheless, the communist presence in Canadian working-class circles, be they of the waged or wageless kind, was weak, subject to the red-baiting of the mainstream press as well as employers, not to mention a contingent of died-in-the-wool reactionaries ensconced in the most conservative elements of trade union officialdom.
As WE ENTER THE 1930S, the obscure history of the wageless and resistance that we have outlined above becomes more familiar.
The wageless, then, get some of their due in treatments of the single decade in Canadian history that is most readily associated with an undeniable crisis of capitalism and its human costs in terms of unemployment.
A large number of these men were returned soldiers, 60 per cent could be classified as unskilled or semi-skilled, and one-third of the wageless were natives of Canada.
Part of the reason the civic "Red Squad" moved with such viciousness to crush communist "free speech" rallies was the fear that the wageless would be drawn to the politics of the red flag.
One of the unemployed delegation presenting the demands of the wageless at Toronto's City Hall was Harvey Jackson, a 25-year old member of the Communist Party.
Toronto figured forcefully in this development, as a rich history of wageless activism and agency reveals.
First, it conveys well both the significance of and resistance to longstanding understandings that the wageless needed to prove their deservedness through labour.
We take hope in the almost inexhaustible resources of the wageless, who have shown, time and time again, the capacity to confound critics and condescension in their challenge to crises not of their own making, but in which their being is inevitably entwined.