National Labor Relations Act

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National Labor Relations Act

Legislation in the United States, passed in 1935, that protects workers from employer retaliation if they form a labor union. It prohibits employers from coercing employees into refraining from organizing. It also prohibits employers from discriminating against employees who argue publicly in favor or against organizing and requires companies to negotiate with employee representatives. It requires each unit of employees to be represented only by one organization. The Act created the National Labor Relations Board, which investigates and enforces potential violations. It is also called the Wagner Act.
References in periodicals archive ?
Here too the court begins from a highly idealized view of the Wagner Act model, ignoring the critical judgements contained in the literature it referenced.
In return for payments from employers, he transformed elements of BSEIU into a kind of variation on the company union, which the Wagner Act recently had made illegal.
Just imagine: a joke at the expense of the Wagner Act in 1939 Hollywood--the artistic community that one year later was to give us John Ford's film of Steinbeck's The Grapes of Wrath--a smarmy and mawkish tribute to the downtrodden workers of America and the New Deal camps that were supposed to teach them to rebuild their lives, recapture their dignity, and brush their teeth regularly.
If the Wagner Act marks a high point of unions' political strength, the Taft-Hartley Act marks the beginning of unions' decline.
They believe the special situation that existed when the Wagner Act was enacted is no longer applicable and suggest that NER is especially valuable in today's labor environment.
Atleson emphasizes that this measure was far more important than the Wagner Act for consolidating mass production unionism.
Business, he is careful to argue, did not openly or eagerly embrace the Wagner Act, but its opposition was "superficial" and "cynical" (218) and its influence on the Act's origins and administration greater than generally recognized.
For instance, instead of advocating the repeal of the Wagner Act, which had created the problem of monopoly union power, conservatives were quick to support the Taft-Hartley Act in an effort to shackle American labor.
Supreme Court in 1938 interpreted the Wagner Act to allow replacement workers, unless there has been unfair bargaining on the part of the employer.
From the origins of the NLRA, or Wagner Act, to issues arising from the NLRB's recent Electromation and Dupont decisions concerning employee participation committees, and the deliberations of the Commission on the Future of Worker-Management Relations, headed by former Secretary of Labor John Dunlop, the authors of the papers in this book make an extremely important contribution in helping to inform a critical public policy debate.
With the Supreme Court's 1937 decisions validating the Wagner Act and the Social Security Act, Ross states, "one of the most ferocious and sustained periods of hostility to the judiciary had ended.
For example, Jacoby illustrates that personnel departments flourished following enactment of the National Industrial Recovery Act (NRA), and subsequent Wagner Act, in direct correlation to the institutionalization of collective bargaining through the labor adjustment machinery created by the legislation; this followed patterns set in the World War I period, when similar adjustment mechanisms tried to prevent production defeating disputes in a tight labor market.